The Great Bourgeois
us turn to the main subject of this chapter : the extent to which
Jewry participated in the industrial revolution in the Bohemian
Crownlands, and the extent to which it affected them. What of the
earliest period ?
and Moravia had even in the eighteenth century been the industrial
heartland of the Habsburg realm, this in part because of the natural
wealth of these provinces, in part because of their favorable position
vis à vis the West19 And a single statistic suggests
clearly why they became even more so in the early nineteenth century
as the Theresian and Josephian reforms loosened the feudal regime
: in these lands about 1800, there was only one noble for every
832 commoners, an exceedingly low ratio for eastern Europe.
Alpine lands, in contrast, the ratio was one noble to every 320
commoners ; in Galicia it was 1:68, and in Hungary, the gentry
paradise, it was 1:2020.
Because of the eviction of the
Protestant nobility from Bohemia in the 1620s, there was late in
the eighteenth century no gentry class in these crownlands, as there
was to the east - and this had a practical consequence.
that there was no one to fight tooth and claw for every inch of
land, for every ancient privilege, no one to insist that the peasantry
remain enserfed and illiterate on the land.
Feudalism in Bohemia
had lain for two centuries with German-speaking magnates and the
The new enlightened state proved its
ability to handle these powers even in Maria Theresia's time, and
under Joseph II it limited serfdom here far more effectively than
anywhere in the East. From 1790 on, as a result, there existed a
part-free labor force in these lands, and the gates for industrial
development were open.
Jews it was nonetheless inordinately difficult to participate in
The case history of Samuel Kolin of Prossnitz
[Postejov] in Moravia tells clearly enough why21.
was a cloth-trader who came to that small-town Jewish settlement
from Bohemia in 1752 in order to marry.
Moravia was the textile
manufacturing center of the Habsburg realm.
Though Jews were barred
from the larger cities, much of the retail trade in textiles was
in their hands ; yet Kolin found the industry almost impenetrable.
Manufacturing and sales alike were tightly controlled and regulated
by the Christian townsmen and their guilds.
Guild regulation, the
expense of new machinery, and the weakness of the domestic market
had proved and would prove over and again insuperable obstacles
even for Christian entrepreneurs, not to speak of Jews despite much
encouragement from the government.
Kolin tried to make his living
by buying woolen cloth from wealthy importers, and then selling
it by the piece to peddlers who would evade the sales monopoly of
Christian shopkeepers by hawking the goods in the countryside from
door to door.
But in 1758 Maria Theresia sought to help domestic
textile manufacturers by forbidding Jews to peddle imports ; and
in 1764 she placed a ban on textile imports.
By the time she relaxed
the bans in 1774, the whole class of Jews who had lived on the woolens
import trade was close to ruin, saved only by smuggling, which was
made profitable by the paucity and poor quality of the domestic
Kolin himself went bankrupt a first time in 1779, and
a second time in 1789 after Joseph II reimposed the ban on foreign
products and placed dozens of other regulations on his trade.
was the fate in the eighteenth century of the lesser Jews of Bohemia
In general they were condemned to eke out a living
by trading goods or dealing in money, forced by the residence restrictions
to spend much of their lives traveling.
Even after Joseph commanded
that they go into manufacturing, they were far too exposed both
to every whim of a regulationist government and to the mean-minded
complaints of Christian neighbors to do so.
Those among them who
managed to escape the general misery were rare.
An astonishing continuity
characterizes the professional profile of Bohemian and Moravian
Jewry throughout the nineteenth century.
Commerce remained overwhelmingly
dominant (though much less so than in Germany, where Jews were not
permitted to engage in Handwerk22.
changes took place in the organization of Jewish commerce about
1800, especially in tobacco trading.
The establishment under a Jew,
Israel Hönig, of the State Tobacco Monopoly in 1788 led to
a notable bureaucratization of trade relationships among Bohemian
Land village Jews23.
Yet it seems notable that Simon
Laemmel, the greatest banker among the Bohemian Jews in the first
half of the nineteenth century, was a figure not much changed from
the Joachim Poppers of the late eighteenth24.
II and after, when modern manufacturing actually began in Austria,
some Jews in the Bohemian Crownlands began to get involved.
was the son of Samuel Kolin, who bore the German name Veith Ehrenstamm.
In the middle 1780s this son responded to the disaster of his father's
ruin by shifting from the Schnittwarenhandel (piece-ware
trade) of his forebears into contracting with the army for provisions
needed in Joseph II's second Turkish war.
It is not clear from the
record why he did especially well, for he differed from the great
military provisioners of the past in that he did not inherit his
He was a self-made man.
But as the Napoleonic
wars drew on, he worked his way up from the bottom to become one
of the most important Austrian contractors.
He seems to have dealt
eventually in most anything the treasury could ask : in salt and
tobacco, wine, grain, horses and carts for transport, food for the
soldiers, liqueurs and shiny brasses for the officers.
But his specialty
By 1805-06 he was in some sort of partnership with
Simon Laemmel, the leading Jewish banker of Prague mentioned above,
and evidently enjoyed a near monopoly on providing uniforms for
It was preparatory for this that in 1801 Ehrenstamm took
the very modern step of purchasing a woolen cloth factory at Prossnitz
from a Christian manufacturer.
Thenceforth he was involved not only
in the purchasing of cloth but also in its production and in the
sewing together of the uniforms themselves.
By the end of the wars
he was immensely rich.
He owned a whole collection of industrial
establishments and was able to entertain the neighborhood nobility
in flamboyant style at his Prossnitz house.
His business even managed
to survive (though not for long) the postwar depression which ruined
many other Moravia manufacturers.
Ehrenstamm's case proves Moravian Jews could get into industry,
there were few in that crownland who followed his example.
Patent of 1781 had explicitly opened manufacturing to the Jews.
Despite all the regulation, despite even the need for considerable
capital and the perils of the trade, opportunities were available.
Even the Judeo-phobic literature of the time sometimes advised Jews
to go into industry on the ground that only they had the zeal, the
cleverness, the persistence, and the money sense needed for success25.
Yet as one student of the problem has observed, the Jews in Moravia
just did not seem interested in industry26.
even wealthy Jewish businessmen of Moravia who won wealth and influence
enough during the Napoleonic period to buy permission to live in
Brno, the center of the woolens industry ; the Gomperzes and Auspitzes
come to mind in this connection.
Yet until the 1840's they remained
aloof from industry.
reason for this was assuredly the fanatical opposition of the Christian
guildsmen of the region, who controlled manufacturing.
And it seems
well also to recall the distinctive cultural situation of the Moravian
Here, as noted elsewhere, the Jews were not spread out in
villages as in Bohemia, nor were they concentrated in one huge city
as in Prague.
Even in the early nineteenth century only one or two
exceptionally rich families were allowed to live in Brno, Moravia's
only significant city, where, as we have seen, they could encounter
the likes of Jakob Frank.
Most were forced to live in tight small-town
communities, and were consequently singularly exposed to the conformity
normal in such places.
In addition the province had the unusually
strong autonomous Jewish self-government system mentioned earlier.
The powers of the Moravian Landesoberrabbiner had been consolidated
far more over the centuries than had those of the Prague chief rabbi.
They were formidable even after the Josephian legislation abolished
the force of Jewish civic law.
In Veith Ehrenstamm's time, moreover,
from 1789 until 1829 the Moravian Oberrabbiner was Mordekai Ben
Abraham Banet, one of the foremost neo-conservative defenders of
Jewish-tradition in central Europe, a famous Talmudist Banet high-handedly
kept his flock in order.
He fulminated against those who fled to
Vienna, growled even at those who spent too much time studying Christian
Moravian Jewry's failure to change profession and to go
into manufacturing may attest to the strength of such cultural factors
as well as the economic factors and hostility of the entrenched
Christian bourgeois world to Jews27.
Bohemia there was a much greater Jewish response to Joseph II's
pressure to go into manufacturing.
Here the start of industrialization
centered not on woolens production, as in Moravia, but on cotton28.
For decades before 1800 Christian businessmen had been observing
the miracles of the cotton industry in England.
In the 1770's the
Austrian Government had made cotton-manufacturing a free trade,
exempt from the guild regulations that continued to dominate the
older woolens industry.
Christian manufacturers, most notably the
former serf Johann Josef Leitenberger (1730-1803) and his son Franz
(17??-1825), had in 1799 imported the first English Watter-frames
and mule-jennies to Austria ; and in the Napoleonic period (especially
after 1806 when British manufactures were on the whole cut out from
the continent), these Austrian entrepreneurs drew on Balkan cotton
to make the production of cotton cloth one of the Empire's leading
Christian cotton industrialists, however, operated primarily in
the towns of northern Bohemia, near the Saxon frontier.
it was above all Jews who made this new industry grow.
history will illustrate the phenomenon. Moses Porges
was born in 1781 into a humble Jewish family that produced rosewater
in the Prague ghetto ; his brother Juda (later called Leopold)
was born in 178429.
When they first went into business
shortly before 1800, Moses dealt in linen goods, Juda
spirits, and they wholly lacked capital.
Yet by 1808 they had opened
a small calico and chintz printing shop in a dark cellar in the
unsanitary old center of Prague.
Textile-printing was more important
than it now sounds.
Until the decisive spread of mechanical spinning
in the 1830s and 1840s, most of the actual spinning
and weaving of textiles took place on a piecework basis in cottages.
The dyeing and printing were the parts of textile production most
suited to the factory, and they became the locus of modern innovations
in the industry as a whole.
The Porgeses were innovators.
By 1819 their establishment was quite large.
In 1830 they opened
the first great mechanical cotton printery at the Prague industrial
suburb, Smichow, a plant so splendid that the Kaiser visited it
By 1835 they were employing 569 workers ; by 1843, 700.
Their factory was then the third largest in Bohemia and they had
other plants as well.
first known Jewish cotton printing plant at Prague was established
in the Karlin [Karolinenthal] suburb in the 1790s by a Koppelmann
Whether he was related to Moses and Juda
is unknown, but by 1820 his plant also was among the largest in
Meanwhile in 1802 Aaron Beer Pribrarn and Moses Jerusalem,
wealthy Grosshändler, had entered the industry, as had Meir
Dormitzer, the wealthy descendent of a famous early-eighteenth-century
Jewish scholar ; so also members of the Epstein and Mauthner families,
and of the Taussig, Bunzl, Brandeis, Wehle, Lederer, Lippmann and
Schick families, all of them eminent in Prague.
A convenient statistic
reveals that by 1807 Bohemia had 58 linen, cotton, and calico "factories"
of which 15 (all recently established and near Prague) were Jewish
seems legitimate to attribute this vigorous expression of Jewish
modernism at Prague, along with the others mentioned earlier, in
part to the city's latitudinarian rabbinical leadership.
is useful to reflect also on the record of Frankism, for late in
the eighteenth century the members of the sect in another city,
Warsaw, did similar things.
They turned from their "earlier aspiration
for ennoblement and became leaders of the economic modernization
of the city-and of Poland31.
So pronounced was their
group coherence (maintained by significant endogamy) and their dominance
in the "bourgeois" professions of the city (that is, law, education,
and manufacturing) that they can be held up as a fine example of
how a "religious ethic" leads to modern capitalism.
Given the strength
of Frankism in Prague about 1800, this record is more than suggestive,
especially since it is known that Moses and Juda Porges
were the sons of a Frankist, and that they themselves visited the
Frankist court at Offenbach in the final years of the eighteenth
century just when another Porges was establishing the first
Jewish cotton-printing establishment in Prague.
Prague Frankists did not follow exactly the same path as those of
These people had not converted out of Judaism as had the
After the fiasco of 1800 they did nurture a memory
of their earlier religious deviation, and may have for a time practiced
endogamy, but in general they could and did reabsorb into the mainstream
of Prague Jewry.
By the end of the nineteenth century their descendants
were so averse to the group's tradition that they tried to destroy
whatever documents remained of what had happened, to root out Frankism
even as a memory.32
Nonetheless circumstance indicates
that at the beginnings of the Jewish involvement in Prague's industrial
growth, Frankism, with its loosening attitude towards Jewish Tradition,
played a role.
entry of Jews into industry in the Bohemian lands, and especially
their entry into the Prague cotton industry, is important to any
assessment of their record here under Metternich, for it had social
The Prague cotton industry was the "take-off sector"
of sorts of the industrial revolution in Bohemia during the Vormärz.
By 1835 there were 117 cotton-processing establishments in the crownland,
of which 15 of the largest were in Prague and owned by Jews.
industry by now produced annually 1,400,000 pieces of cloth (at
lengths of 30-50 ells), of which 800,000 lengths were produced in
Not unnaturally, therefore, here as in Vienna,
the leaders of this industry were able to enter the ranks of the
imperial bourgeoisie and to win a considerable acceptance34.
By the 1840s the Porges brothers and their partner
Moses Jerusalem had been ennobled by the Kaiser and were among the
leaders of Prague's new bourgeois society.
No less socially prominent
were the Donnitzers, Epsteins, Mauthners, and Wehles.
Jews, for example Moritz Zdekauer, had felt it requisite to leave
Judaism in order to attain their new social position ; but this
was patently not demanded of them by the Prague upper bourgeoisie
(or by people like Schoeller elsewhere in the Bohemian Lands), for
the very leader of Prague's industrial bourgeoisie through forty
years was Leopold von Laemmel, the son of the great Napoleonic era
banker, Simon Laemmel, who had been ennobled in 1821.
did not convert.35
Even in Brno, it may be mentioned,
the Jewish banker, Philip Gomperz, won a considerable acceptance
in upper bourgeois circles during the Franciscan period, though
most of his co-religionaries were barred by law from residence in
In this period, moreover, there occurred
a massive shift in relationships between Vienna and Prague that
contributed to the acceptance of Jews in bourgeois society.
all there was a demographic change.
In 1790, Prague, with 73,000
civilian inhabitants, was still a considerable town even against
But whereas by 1850 Vienna had doubled to 400,000,
Prague in 1820 had only 81,000 inhabitants, and in 1850, 115,59937.
This demographic lag was compounded by the increase in political
centralism, characteristic of the regime, and by an expansion of
Vienna's financial power.
In effect, the more the industrial revolution
intruded into the Empire, the more the Vienna bankers -the capitalists-
gained leverage in provincial affairs.
The decline of Prague relative
to the capital did not become final until after 1848 ; but for practical
purposes even in the Vormärz Bohemia's capital was in international
perspective no more than a provincial Austrian town.
On the level
of the new upper bourgeoisie one may see the new relationship especially
Starting with Simon Laemmel and Philip Gomperz in Napoleon's
time, virtually all the great Bohemian trading and banking firms
opened offices in Vienna.
In the 1840s the Prague manufacturers
followed suit, first opening factory outlets, then building new
factories in the capital suburbs.
Few of them moved finally away
from Prague ; but in general sufficient duality of foothold developed
so as to ensure that the new social values of upper bourgeois Vienna
prevailed also in upper bourgeois Prague38.
bourgeois successes of the Prague Jewish industrialists had noxious
effects for the whole of Bohemian Jewry, because they awoke jealousies,
and above all those of the city's workers.
In Bohemia, as further
west in Europe, the industrial revolution produced a whole new stratum
of workers within the social system.39
There is small
mystery why by the early 1840s this stratum was showing its
All over Europe during the early industrial revolution,
working conditions were awful, and the Bohemian lands were no exception.
Wages were pathetically low.
Fifteen and fourteen-hour workdays
were the norm ; the work-week comprised six or more days.
health and relaxation were of little matter to the factory-owners,
whose prime concern was maximal profit, whose rule was exploitation.
With the advent of mechanization in the thirties, moreover, employers
began to oust adult workers in favor of children, who were cheaper,
and as a result unemployment developed40.
In the forties
such new machines as the perrotin in the cotton-printing industry
put whole classes of workers out of jobs. The year 1843 witnessed
a large-scale strike at Brno.
following year, 1844, was one of labor unrest all over Germany,
and saw major troubles affect Bohemia.
The spark, so far as one
can determine from the surviving records, was a worker uprising
in Prussian Silesia in early June -the uprising that inspired Gerhard
Hauptmann's "Die Weber".
In mid-June, despite the sealed frontier,
labor trouble erupted in Prague.
Later in the month and in July
it spread to the northern textile regions.
Everywhere, as in Silesia,
the workers seemed interested above all in destroying machines.
In Prague, the workers expressed a hatred not just of machines,
but also of Jews.
1844 the authorities called out troops in defense of property.
strikes were all suppressed.
But the Judeophobia lasted on. In the
late forties, as bad harvest followed bad harvest all over Europe,
strikes and attacks on Jewish grain-dealers ceased to be unusual
at all in central Bohemia.
There was an "objective" explanation
: there was near famine in the land, and the grain commerce was
in Jewish hands.
When the burgher revolution broke out in March
1848, the danger of renewed labor trouble was immediately in everyone's
One of the explicit purposes of the new "national guard" in
the capital was to exert control over the "proletariat", and indeed
the workers soon began to demonstrate.
In the first days of May,
urged on by a flood of anti-Jewish pamphlet literature, large-scale
Judeophobic riots affected Prague starting with attacks on the Jewish-owned
Later on, especially in June when the Prague workers
formed the backbone of the so-called "Whitsun" uprising occasioned
by the Slavic Congress, the Judeophobic motif abated.
during the summer and fall, however, as the imperial army took command
first in Bohemia and then in other lands, new anti-Jewish disturbances
main reason for the Prague worker Judeophobia of this period was
a singularly direct relation between bad work conditions and Jews.
In Prague the strikes began in 1844, because the Porges brothers
introduced the perrotin at their factory in Smichow, and then arbitrarily
And the disturbances affected primarily the city's
Jewish-dominated cotton-printing industry.
There was also an ideological
us pose the matter as follows.
Although by then a worker class of
sorts was clearly in formation in Bohemia, socialism as a modern
ideological movement borne by the worker class was equally clearly
Even the proletariat in western Europe, far more developed
and experienced than in Bohemia, conspicuously lacked what Marxists
Particularly in 1844, workers all over central
Europe almost simultaneously went on strike or destroyed machines.
The governing classes immediately deduced that there was an international
organized conspiracy of some sort or "Communism" behind it all ;
yet in fact neither the courts of the time nor a century of diligent
historical research has brought any such conspiratorial organization
It was the impact of hard times on a community of wretchedness
created by similar industrialist exploitation that produced the
common types of worker protest simultaneously in so many different
"Communism" didn't yet exist, although the strike waves
demonstrated that the workers needed something like it42.
one not guess that this need for "Communism", that is, for ideology
and organization, explains in some part the Judeophobia of the Bohemian
workers in the 1840s?
The people knew very well they wanted
something, yet had no name for it ; they knew perfectly that the
machine was their enemy, but had no general explanation why.
of the Austrian police regime, they had no contact with the early
socialists of the west.
In the resultant ideological void it was
entirely natural that these workers should have grasped hold of
the exceptional feature of the Prague industrial complex - its Jewishness
- and given voice to their bitterness in traditional religious terms.
Their Jew-hatred was the ideological "pre-socialism" of the nascent
and naive Prague working class.
19. Arnost Klima, Manufakturni Obdobi v Cechach, esp.
pp. 71ff. ; and his articles "Industrial Development in the
Bohemian Lands, 1648-1781," in PP XI (1957):.87- 99 ; and "Über
die grösste Manufakturen des 18. Jahrhunderts in Böhmen,"
MÖSA XII (1959): 143-61.
20. Siegfried Becher, Statistische Übersicht der Bevölkerung
der osterreichischen Monarchie nach den Ergebnissen der Jahre
1834 bis 1840 (Stuttgart: Cotta, 1841), pp. 358-59.
21. For the following, see Bernhard Heilig, "Aufstieg und Verfall
des Hauses Ehrenstamm," in BLBI X (1960): 104ff. ; Kestenberg-Gladstein,
Neuere Geschichte, part III ; and Kristianpoler, "Die wirtschaftliche
Lage der Juden in Österreich in der 2. Hälfte des
18. Jahrhunderts," pp. 50ff., 105ff. ; Slokar, Geschichte,
ch. XVI ; and Hermann Freudenberger's case history of a single
factory, The Industrialization of a Central European City:
Brno and the Fine Woolen Industry in the 18th Century (Edington,
Wilts.: Pasold Research Fund, 1977).
22. Stölzl, "Zur Geschichte der böhmischen Juden,"
pt. I, p. 191, n. 60 ; R. Rürüp, Emanzipation und
Antisemitismus (Göttingen: Vanderhoeck und Ruprecht,
1975), p. 26 ; and Jakob Toury, "Der Entritt der Juden ins deutsche
Bürgertum" in H. Liebeschütz ahd A. Paucker (eds.),
Das Judentum in der deutschen Umwelt, 1800- 1850 (Tübingen:
Mohr, 1977), pp. 200ff.
23. Leopold Kompert in Jahrbuch für Israeliten,
1847-1848, pp. 120-144 ; and the classic works on the tobacco
industry, Joseph von Retzer, Tabakpachtung in den österreichischen
Ländern von 1670-1783 (Vienna: Sonnleither, 1784) ;
and Jerome E. Brooks (ed.), Tobacco: Its History Illustrated
by Books, Manuscripts and Engravings in the Library of George
Arents Jr. (5 vols., New York: Rosenback, 1937-1943), vol.
III as indexed. For examples of the importance of tobacco contracts
to the principal Jewish trading firms of central Europe, see
the Presidial Index of the Finance Ministry at the Finanz Archiv
in Vienna for 1830 and 1831.
24. Milan Svankmajer, "Simon Lämmel" in DS III (1961):
31ff. ; Valentin Urfus, "Peneznici predreznové Prahy"
in PHS VII (1972): II1ff. ; and Wurzbach, BL XIII, pp. 475ff.
25. I. Klingler, Über die Unnütz und Schädlichkeit
der Juden im Königreiche Böhmens, Mähren, und
Österreich (Prague: 1782), as quoted by Kestenberg-Gladstein,
p. 98 ; Josef Rohrer, Versuch über die jüdischen
Bewohner der österreichischen Monarchie (Vienna : Kunst
und Industrie Comptoir, 1804), pp. 83-84.
26. Freudenberger, Industrialization, p. 132. It is
clear that Jews played a vital role in the provisioning of the
early Moravian textile factories with raw material, in financing
them, and in marketing the finished cloth: see B. Heilig, "Die
Vorlaüfer der mährischen Konfektionsindustrie," in
JGGJT III (1931): 307-448. Only in the late 1840s, however,
did Moravian Jews begin to emerge as textile industrialists
in any numbers: Kestenberg-Gladstein, p. 106 ; and Gustav Otruba,
"Der Anteil der Juden am Wirtschaftsleben" in Ferdinand Seibt
(ed.), Die Juden in den böhmischen Ländern,
esp. pp. 246-49.
27. Theodor Haas, Die Juden in Mähren (Brünn:
Jüdischer Buch und Kunstverlag, 1908) ; and Alfred Willmann,
"Die mährischen Landesrabbiner" in Gold, Mähren,
pp. 45ff. ; and Kestenberg-Gladstein, Neuere Geschichte
28. For the following, see Hoch, Cechy na prahu, pp.
117ff. ; Jaroslav Purs, "The Industrial Revolution in the Czech
Lands" in Historica, vol. II, pp. 183-272 ; Slokar, Geschichte
der österreichischen Industrie ; Herbert Hassinger,
"Die Anfänge der Industrialisierung in den böhmischen
Ländern" in BJCC Il (1961): 164-81 ; and F. W. Carter,
"The Industrial Development of Prague, 1800-1850," SEER LI (1973):
29. V A Adelsakten Porges 1841 ; Wurzbach, BL,
vol. XXIII, pp. 123-25 ; Putz, "Wirtschaftsaristokratie," vol.
Il, pp. 442-43 ; Moses Porges' obituary in NZ, 3 June
1870, p. 249.
30. Otruba, "Der Anteil," pp. 246-47 ; Kestenberg-Gladstein,
Neuere Geschichte, p.101.
31. Dukier, "Polish Frankism's Survival" ; and his "Frankism
as a Movement of Polish-Jewish Synthesis," in Bela Kiraly (ed.
), Tolerance and Movements of Religious Dissent in Eastern
Europe (Boulder: East European Quarterly, 1975), pp. 133-64.
32. Fritz Mauthner, Erinnerungen, Prager Jugendjahre
(Munich: G. Müller, 1918), pp. 111-12 ; and Scholem, "A
Sabbatian Will," p. 170.
33. Zdenek Solle, "K pocatkum delnického hnuti v Praze"
in CSCH, vol. V, pp. 662ff. ; and Marx, Wirtschaftliche Ursachen
der Revolution, pp. 13-15.
34. Cohen, The Politics of Ethnic Survival, pp. 76ff
35. V A, Adelsakten Laemmel, 1856 ; Christoph Stölzl,
Die Ära Bach in Böhmen (Munich: Oldenbourg,
1971), pp. 72, 80ff. ; and Putz, "Wirtschaftsaristokratie,"
36. Iulius Von Gomperz, Jugenderinnerungen (Brünn:
Rohrer, 1902), chs. 1, 2.
37. Karnikovâ, Vyvoj obyvatelstva, pp. 59, 105.
38. The migration pattern appears clearly in the finallist
of "toleree" Jews in Vienna, as well as in the contemporary
Viennese address books: see Pribram, Urkunden und Akten,
vol. II, p. 268.
39. For the following, see I. Radimsky, "Delnické boure
v Brne roku 1843" in Cesky Lid XXXVI (1949): 9-13 ; Friedrich
Walter, "Die böhmischen Arbeiterunruhen des Jahres 1844"
in MIÖG XI, Ergänzungsband (1929): 717-34 ; Wolfgramm,
"Der böhmische Vormärz" ; Marx, Wirtschaftliche
Ursachen, pp. 57ff. ; and Theodore S. Hamerow, Restoration,
Revolution, and Reaction: Economics and Politics in German,
1815-1871 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958), pt.
40. Walter, "Böhmische Arbeiterunruhen," pp. 728-29 ;
and Ludwig von Mises, "Zur Geschichte der österreichischen
Fabriksgesetzgebung" in ZVSV XIV (1905): 256ff.
41. Stanley Z. Pech, The Czech Revolution of 1848 (Durham,
N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1969), ch. 12.
42. Walter, "Böhmische Arbeiterunruhen," p. 721 ; Wolfgramm,
"Böhmischer Vormärz," pp. 180ff. ; comp. George Rudé,
Ideology and Popular Protest (New York: Pantheon, 1980).
© 1989 William O. McCagg Jr., Indiana
University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis